Gramática Houaiss da Língua Portuguesa book. Read reviews from world's largest community for readers. Mais um fruto da parceria entre o Instituto Antônio. . Mais um fruto da parceria entre o Instituto Antônio Houaiss e a Publifolha, esta gramática trata da língua de maneira clara e objetiva. Incorpora as mudanças. Gramбtica Houaiss da Lнngua Portuguesa has 5 ratings and 0 reviews. Mais um fruto da parceria entre o Instituto Antфnio Houaiss e a Publifolha, esta gram.
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Gramática Houaiss da Língua. Jan José Carlos De. AZEREDO, José Carlos de. Gramática Houaiss da Língua Portuguesa. santmingbaliphi.ga São Paulo: Publifolha. PDF | On Nov 1, , Gabriel Antunes de Araujo and others published A Grammar of Sabane. A Nambikwaran Language. AZEREDO, José Carlos de. Gramática Houaiss da língua portuguesa. santmingbaliphi.ga São Paulo: Publifolha, p modificado. FRASE E ORAÇÃO.
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This measure of general proficiency in Spanish has been used in other studies see e. Each participant received a numerical score out of 50 on the pretest. In contrast, Ayoun asked if the participant preferred Sentence A or Sentence B and then, after the choice had been made, asked if the participant considered the sentence not chosen as grammatical or not. The present study will only report on the data involved with the latter three variable categories.
When they felt that either one could be correct depending on the situation, they were instructed to choose Both as the answer. Participants were encouraged to answer quickly and go with their initial reaction and instinct to discourage them from thinking about prescriptive grammar rules.
Three examples of the stimuli are included below in both Spanish and Portuguese. Lamento que no puedas venir. Lamento que no puedes venir.
Portuguese A. Queremos alugar uma casa que fique perto do parque B. Queremos alugar uma casa que fica perto do parque. In addition, each group of ten sentence pairs was counterbalanced so that in half of the cases the first sentence contained a verb in the present indicative and half of the cases the first sentence appeared in the present subjunctive.
Procedure The Spanish proficiency pretest was administered to participants at the beginning of the semester. As mentioned earlier in the section on subjunctive mood, grammars of Spanish and Portuguese indicate that in standard varieties, the subjunctive is used with verbs expressing comment and emotion as well as verbs expressing doubt and uncertainty whereas adjective clauses can call for either the subjunctive or the indicative, depending on the presupposition assumed by the speaker e.
However, research also suggests that the former two contexts do not categorically call for the subjunctive in either language Blake, ; Montrul, ; Perini, and show some variability among native, and especially heritage, speakers of Spanish e. Also, and as mentioned in the literature review above, L2S bilinguals struggle to acquire mood distinctions outside of these obligatory contexts. In other words, a conscious perception of the typological similarity between Spanish and Portuguese or affective concerns regarding the same should have no bearing on the automatic process of transfer that the TPM assumes will occur.
So, why assume that there may be differences between these distinct bilingual groups based on anecdotal evidence alone? Principally because Rothman himself addresses the possibility that different bilingual types may show differing transfer effects , suggesting that future studies should examine whether differences in transfer might obtain among different bilingual groups with the same background languages.
It is true that at this point I am not making specific theoretical predictions with this hypothesis, but to actually test if distinct bilingual groups with the 22 4. Results 4. Planned comparisons indicated that the difference between the L2 Spanish group and the other two groups was significant at the 0.
Table 1 shows the average proficiency score for each of the three language background groups with ranges, standard errors and standard deviations. Error Std. Deviation Group L1 Spanish bilinguals 8 Mean Spanish proficiency pretest Scores, Std. Deviations, Std. Errors and Range by Language Background Group 4. The main effect of Language Test, the other two-way interactions, and the three-way interaction were not significant.
All other main effects and interactions were not significant. Discussion, limitations and contributions 5. Discussion 5 This category was analyzed with the response Both being the reference since, theoretically, both the subjunctive and indicative readings should be possible. Conversely, if their mood selection patterns on the task in Portuguese did not differ significantly from their selections on the task in Spanish, this would validate the predictions of the TPM, namely that all participants would transfer knowledge of mood distinctions in Spanish to Portuguese regardless of the order or context in which they acquired the background languages.
The results of this study only partially confirm the initial hypotheses. This suggests that either there may be more variability with these sentences than is typically described in grammars and L2 textbooks, or that this variability is unique to the particular group of L1S bilinguals tested. In other words, the difference between their percentage of accepting sentences with subjunctive, indicative, or Both on the Spanish and Portuguese tasks would be significantly less than the differences between the language tasks for the other two groups.
Again, this hypothesis is only partially confirmed by the results, namely that there were significant differences in the way each group transferred over their knowledge of mood distinctions in these particular contexts from Spanish to Portuguese.
As such, the results of the present study do not provide strong results against the TPM and consequently fail to 30 provide sufficient evidence to reject the null hypotheses i. Although the results fail to reject the null hypothesis, they only partially support the TPM.
In fact, the results hint at an effect of the context of acquisition, showing that the tendencies that L2S bilinguals showed on the Spanish task were similar on the Portuguese task, only amplified i. In contrast, the L1S bilinguals and the HS bilinguals showed slightly different patterns of mood selection between the Spanish and Portuguese tasks. Two important tendencies are evident from the data. For example, L1S bilinguals had the lowest percentage of selecting only subjunctive on all three categories, whereas L2S bilinguals had the highest.
In addition, there was a corresponding link with how much participants 31 chose Both with L1S choosing it the most and L2S the least.
In addition, in their grammar of the Spanish language, Butt and Benjamin , p. In contrast, L2S bilinguals selected sentences with either indicative or subjunctive but not Both in these two categories in Spanish much more than the other two groups. The one exception comes with verbs of doubt, uncertainty and denial, where the L1S bilinguals showed no statistically significant differences in their selection of Both from the Spanish to the Portuguese task.
Overall, however, the former trend can be seen in Figures 1, 2 and 3 suggesting that on the Portuguese task, 32 participants may have been affected by classroom instruction, which focused on prototypical rules and lexical triggers rather than semantic and pragmatic triggers.
In contrast, the L1S and HS bilinguals showed a greater willingness to accept both subjunctive and indicative on both the Spanish and Portuguese tasks.
Thus, it was assumed that all groups would accept Both more readily with these clauses than the sentences in the previously reviewed sections. L1S and HS groups on this category drastically decreased their selection of Both and increased their selection of either Subjunctive or Indicative on the Portuguese task, presumably due to four weeks of instruction on lexical triggers in the subjunctive.
The L2S bilinguals overwhelmingly chose Subjunctive and rejected the idea that Both could be grammatical.
This result suggests that this group either did not consider both options or that their grammars are still vulnerable in this interface condition e. Limitations The present study suffers from some limitations. First, the small sample size of L1S bilinguals does not allow for broad generalizations. In addition, the HS bilinguals were either majoring or minoring in a Spanish-related field and had all had at least one language course in Spanish and thus were 6 An anonymous reviewer suggests that the data may only be showing that participants only considered one of the implied contextual options since there was no specific context given.
Admittedly, there is no way to know for certain whether or not this was the case, but the fact that among each group, but especially with the L1S and HS groups, there were participants who regularly chose the option Both suggests this was not the case, at least for some. At least for the L2S bilinguals, classroom instruction may be at play here as it generally trains learners to see only one correct answer, and their preference for the subjunctive on these tasks is most likely a result of this instruction.
Regardless, it is plausible that this preference on these tasks reflects their underlying grammatical competence with regards to their knowledge of mood distinctions. Furthermore, the study cannot completely distinguish between transfer and learning. The TPM is principally concerned with transfer during the initial stages of L3 acquisition, or, in the purest sense, when the language parser is first introduced to the L3 Rothman, However, it was felt that participants would not have had sufficient knowledge to understand the task in Portuguese to adequately complete it.
It was hoped that this would be sufficient time to introduce participants to the concept, but not enough time i. In this way it was hoped that the test would principally be measuring linguistic transfer from Spanish to Portuguese.
Specifically, the textbook used by the learners of Portuguese presented mood distinctions as a list of verbs, conjunctions, and situations where the subjunctive should be used, with little mention of the inherent variability present in semantically triggered contexts, which is typical of most L2 explanations of mood distinctions at the early stages of learning.
It is possible that the mismatch between their intuitive knowledge of the variation inherent in these semantically triggered contexts and their newly gained, and much simplified , explicit knowledge caused some of the confusion seen in their Portuguese results. Finally, the present data come from one task eliciting written judgment data; tasks eliciting oral data may yield different results.
Their production in spontaneous, informal discourse may be different from their judgments on these tasks. Because of this, additional studies are needed that include more L1S bilinguals, completing different oral and written tasks that look at both receptive and productive knowledge and proficiency, ideally with no instruction between tasks.
Contributions Notwithstanding the above-mentioned limitations, this study contributes to the field of L3 acquisition, especially of typologically similar languages.
Specifically, the results from the present study broadly support the hypotheses of the TPM in that all participants seemed to be transferring, at least partially, from Spanish. Indeed the results on the task would be difficult to explain without assuming some prior knowledge of mood distinctions. However, the results also suggest that Spanish does not affect L3 Portuguese learning in the same way for all participants.
This may have some carry-over when completing explicit tasks measuring mood distinctions in variable contexts. In other words, in formal learning contexts explicit, analytical cognitive processes may override the spontaneous transfer that the TPM posits. This would, in effect, result in less influence from the typologically similar language than would occur with late bilinguals.
Although Rothman believes that this hypothesis is not probable, the results of the present study are nevertheless consistent with this interpretation. Finally, the results are especially relevant to the study of cognate language acquisition, especially the sub-field dealing with Portuguese for Spanish speakers. They provide additional evidence of the initial differences in terms of knowledge of, and proficiency in, Spanish between the three groups of bilinguals and suggest that there also may be acquisition and transfer differences that exist between the three groups of Spanish-English bilinguals learning Portuguese in the United States.
In other words, the context of acquisition of Spanish is an important factor in how and what participants transfer over from Spanish when learning Portuguese. The present study also suggests that L2S bilinguals are more able to transfer over concrete rules and metalinguistic knowledge, but may lack understanding of the more variable, semantically and pragmatically driven aspects of language use. Furthermore, these two groups do not necessarily transfer their entire, and more complex, linguistic repertoire from Spanish to Portuguese, possibly because of its complexity and possibly because the way they acquired Spanish informally may obscure some of the similarities between the two languages when learning Portuguese through formal language instruction cf.
Child, In conclusion, the results from the present study suggest that mood selection in these contexts, in both Spanish and Portuguese, is more variable than that described in traditional grammars. Although L2S bilinguals seem to be able to apply simplified grammatical rules more consistently than the other two groups, it is clear that these rules can obscure the variation inherent in language.
Regarding the transfer of linguistic knowledge from one typologically similar language to another, the present study provides partial support for the TPM while also hinting that the context of acquisition of the background languages may be a mediating factor in this transfer.
References Almeida Filho, J. Campinas: Pontes. Web-based elicitation tasks in SLA research. Language Learning and Technology, 3, Azeredo, J. Beaudrie, S. Spanish receptive bilinguals: Understanding the cultural and linguistic profile of learners from three different generations. Spanish in Context, 6, Beginning level university heritage language programs: Creating a space for all heritage language learners.
Heritage Language Journal, 3 1 , Blake, R. Mood selection among Spanish-speaking children, ages 4 to Blanco, J. Bley-Vroman, R. Broad and narrow constraints on the English dative alternation: some fundamental differences between native speakers and foreign language learners. Butt, J.
A new reference grammar of modern Spanish, Fifth Edition. London: Routledge. Carvalho, A. Hispania, 85, Georgetown University. Foreign Language Annals, 39,